Give ideal time

The ideal time for a little <br /> Author: Liu Yu Do you believe in the mind or soul? In a chat, a friend asked.
I said that I believe in time.
When summing up the reasons for the failure of the Kuomintang continent, one reason often mentioned is that the Kuomintang did not carry out land reform, thus losing farmers. In contrast, the land reform of the Communist Party has been vigorous and vigorous, playing local tyrants, dividing the fields, and turning over to be masters. The peasants were assigned to the land and participated in the revolution to defend the fruits of victory.
In fact, strictly speaking, the Kuomintang did not have a desire for land reform during the mainland. Mr. Sun Yat-sen’s ideal of “cultivating people with their fields” is well known, and the Chiang Kai-shek government is not without action. From the promulgation of the "Land Law" in 1930 to the "Landing Area Land Handling Measures" in 1946, from the end of the 20th century in Zhejiang in the late 20th century, to the Jiang Jingguo experiment on land reform in the south of the country, the Kuomintang did not realize that "average land rights" for the hearts of the people The role.
The problem is that compared with the violent land reform of "storms and rains", the Kuomintang government not only has much less land reform, but also pursues a closer social peace reform. The so-called storm-type land reform is actually an upgraded version of the peasant uprising since ancient times. One class overthrew the rule of another class, and the killing, the division. Of course, since it is a revolution, it is not just an uprising, but also a set of revolutionary discourses and rituals to give meaning. Therefore, the "exploitation", "turning over", "class struggle" Chen Sheng and Wu Guang, who did not think of the vocabulary, began to become everyday language, so there was "institutional innovation" such as "complaints" and "strug sessions."
The so-called peaceful land reform, the core is redemption, the government uses land bonds to buy land from the landlords, and then let the farmers buy land at low prices from the government in the form of several years of instalments. The advantage is that the landlord and the peasant may have a win-win situation: the peasant finally got the land and the landlord got the capital. The Kuomintang did not have time to do so during the mainland, nor was it able to promote peaceful land reform on a large scale. After it was extended to Taiwan, it helped many Taiwanese farmers realize the "farmers have their fields" and accelerated the industrialization process in Taiwan. Although there are many unfairness in the middle, a group of landlords realized the primitive accumulation of capital through land reform, turned to industry and commerce, and promoted Taiwan’s economic take-off.
Since it is closer to a win-win situation, why do peaceful land reforms often have no market? Thinking about it is nothing more than because it is "slow". Compared with the revolutionary land reform, the "change of yours is mys" overnight, the peaceful land reform may have a good economic effect, but the political profits are low. A diamond is in front of you. One person tells you that you can get it for free now. Another person tells you that you need to pay in ten years to get it. Who are you going with?
Liberalism was chased by left-wing or right-wing radicalism throughout the 20th century, and even the fate of a once-in-a-lifetime defeat. Even today, it is still difficult to take root in the people. The root cause may be this "slow" word. When radicalism promised immediate changes to the public, liberalism promised only after the long growing season. In order to create earth-shaking rapid changes, the premise of radicalism must be “one heart and one heart” and “the same enemy”, thus paving the way for a unified authority system, and liberalism means that everyone is in power, only through an “invisible hand”. "Formation of synergy. Activism gives you a savior, and liberalism simply returns you to yourself.
But is there really a savior in the world? "A government that is strong enough to give you everything must be strong enough to take everything you do." The collectivization movement of the mid-1950s is precisely the explanation. The diamonds were not in the heat, and they were handed over to the state. By the end of the 1950s, Taiwanese peasants began to realize that "cultivators have their fields." Natural disasters and man-made disasters have occurred in some parts of the mainland. Those peasants who have unfortunately died of famine have thought that there is a secret connection between the pain of their hunger and the sorrow of the local tyrants.
Believing in time means that in addition to the hard work of thousands of people, there is no shortcut to history. For people who are eager to be liberated overnight, this is really disappointing.
In summing up the difficulties of the transition of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, one explanation is that the system may be rewritten overnight, but entrepreneurship, business acumen, and market awareness can only be formed through long learning. For those who are eager to declare that transformation itself is a mistake, it is clear that the "time" factor has been forgotten. Today, 20 years later, many countries in the Soviet Union have gradually entered a healthy growth, once again proving the power of time. As we all know, it is important to stew a pot of meat, oil and salt sauce vinegar and other spices, but the link of "big fire to small fire slow stew" is indispensable.
History may spiral forward in a two-step, one-step way. A generation may have a bad life in that step backwards, but I believe that among all the authoritarians, time is the most authoritarian. One. Many times, humans accidentally misunderstood themselves, imagined themselves too smart, or not smart enough, and time always confuses misunderstandings.

After the political crisis in Hungary in 1956, Prime Minister Najib was sentenced to death for losing his "position." During the trial, he refused to ask the court to be lenient and said: "I know that another Naji trial will be rehabilitated for me, and one day there will be a reburial ceremony for me." On June 16, 1989, "One day" came, Hungary held a reburial ceremony for Najib, and 100,000 people attended the ceremony.
Najib believes in time and he won the victory.